“Nicaragua Betrayed” Summary— Chapter 3: Terrorism in Managua

by Edward Ulrich
News of Interest.TV

February 13, 2011

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This chapter describes a situation in 1974 where terrorists took a Christmas party hostage in Managua that had 45 people attending including many high ranking political figures as well as friends and family of Somoza, where the terrorists demanded money, the release of convicted felons, and passage to Cuba.  Also explained is how some Sandinista Jesuit priests started a slander campaign in Washington to attempt to deprive Nicaragua of military assistance from the United States.


Following are key points from the chapter:

— On December 18, 1974, a Christmas party of a government associate of Somoza named Chema Castillo was taken hostage by Castro trained gunmen that had automatic weapons, and they held 45 of the guests.  Many of the guests were high ranking political figures as well as friends and family of Somoza.  Castillo was killed immediately along with the chauffeurs out front as well as the police who first arrived on the scene.

— When lines of communication were established with the terrorists, they demanded that Bishop Monsignor Obando Bravo come to the house to visit with them (Bravo was the leader in the Catholic Church who Somoza had problems with after the earthquake).  When Bravo was finally able to be contacted, he was asked to first meet with Somoza in his office, and Somoza recalls that his face was ashen, and he kept trying to lick his lips but his mouth was dry; obviously something traumatic was happening within him.  Somoza’s analysis of the man that later turned out to be correct was that he knew the hostage action was going to be taken.  The terrorists also asked for various Communist associated doctors including Dr. Gutierrez Sacasa, who is now the Vice Minister of Health for the Sandinista ruling government of Nicaragua.

— Bishop Bravo was then sent to visit with the terrorists and he was presented with their demands, and it became apparent that Bravo was working on the side of the terrorists based on his behavior when he returned to report what they had told him.  Bravo told Somoza that it wouldn’t be possible for him to talk to the terrorists, and they wanted ten million dollars as well as an airplane so they could fly to Cuba, and the demands had to be met on the following day.  However Somoza knew that those demands could not be met and they had to play for time.  Bravo was then sent back to ask that they at least release the women and children, which they did do.

— The dean of the diplomatic corps in Nicaragua was selected as a replacement for Bravo as a negotiator, and finally they were able to have real dialog with the terrorists.  The terrorists were threatening to kill one person an hour until their demands had been met, and they were constantly putting hostages on the phone with guns to their heads to talk to relatives.

— Somoza knew that it would not be possible under international law to send all the hostages with the terrorists to Cuba, so they negotiated and it was agreed that only a few would go along including Bishop Bravo.  The terrorists also demanded that twenty convicted felons who committed crimes including murder must be released from prison, including Daniel Ortega who is now a member of the ruling Marxist junta— and Lenin Cerna, a Marxist who is today in charge of the Sandinista government’s State Security.

— Arrangements were made with the Federal Reserve Bank in New York for the delivery of $5 million, however they were able to convince the terrorists to only take $1 million.  The plan was then laid out for the terrorists to be transported to the airport, and when the terrorists reached their plane, the money was given to them, most of the hostages were released, and they climbed aboard the aircraft that taxied to the runway and then took off and disappeared from view.  “One government official at the airport aptly described the feeling of all who had been involved.  He said ‘It was a dream.  It was a goddamn dream and it really didn’t happen.’” ..  “When word was flashed to me at the Presidential complex that the hostages were free and with their loved ones, I wept.  In the presence of generals and government staff members I wept, without shame.”

— After Somoza had time to talk with the hostages personally, he reached the conclusion that the Sandinista terrorists had a hardcore group of leftist priests with whom they could work and from whom they could obtain intelligence information, and also it was apparent that the rebels were without money and they felt it necessary to perform a spectacular criminal act to attract international attention.  Also apparently the women among the terrorists were more vicious than the men.

— A different atmosphere prevailed in Managua after this event.  Every diplomatic function was guarded by military forces and people were reluctant to give parties.

— Somoza says, “After the terrorists demonstrated to the world that their connection was Cuba, I thought, now the United States will believe me and now the United States will act.  How wrong I was!” ...  “To my perturbation and utter disbelief, I found anti-Nicaragua sentiment being expressed in Washington.  I wanted to find the source of such malignity and I did.  The Leftist priests in Nicaragua, seeing they couldn’t destroy me and my government in Nicaragua, decided that they should take their battle to Washington.”  ..  “Father Miguel d’Escoto and Father Fernando Cardinal and a few other Jesuit priests started a campaign with known left-leaning members of the U.S. Congress.”  An organization called “The Washington Office for Latin America” (WOLA) assisted with the slander campaign, and their strategy was to terminate military assistance to Nicaragua and to cause a breach in loyalty between the U.S. and its ally Nicaragua.  The Jesuits used the issue of “human rights” in their campaign and supplied disinformation, and they were able to enlist Clarence Long of Maryland, Edward Koch of New York, and David Obey of Wisconsin to back them.  Due to this, Liberal and Leftist members of the U.S. Congress, the State Department, and the Executive branch of the government started to oppose Somoza and Nicaragua, and the movement was starting to gain momentum.



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