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“Nicaragua Betrayed” Summary— Chapter 6: Sandino and the Sandinistas

by Edward Ulrich
News of Interest.TV

February 12, 2011




This chapter explains a number of issues including the international mainstream media starting to attack Somoza while portraying Sandinista subversives in a positive light; an example is described of tactics used by Sandinistas in battle causing Somoza’s troops to be portrayed as being cruel and out of control; a summary of the history of the Sandinista movement is explained; and also explained is how militant Jesuit Priests indoctrinated young subversives against the government.


Following are key points from the chapter:

— By late 1977, international propaganda against Somoza and his government had reached huge proportions, particularly in the United States.  Members of the media who mostly knew nothing about Nicaragua purported to be experts on the issues of the country.  “It was as though a big, red light had suddenly appeared in Nicaragua.  This red light was the signal to swarm and attack.”

Somoza explains, “There is a Leftist power structure that controls the news media.  This power structure is not limited to the United States in its area of control.  The tentacles of this mind-moulding machine reach out to every section of the globe.”  ...  “[It is certain] that such control will not be exercised on behalf of anti-Left views.”  ...  “I can relate to you that once this monster descends on you, there is no escape.  It has the ability and the know-how to discredit any human being in the free world.  That’s frightening, don’t you agree?  The irony of this is that the Leftist power structure does not reach into Communist-controlled countries, because in these countries there is no freedom of the press.  As one individual who has always believed in and advocated freedom of the press, almost unto death, I hope this power structure does not succeed in pushing the Western world into the Communist camp.”

At the time the international press started attacking Somoza, many favorable articles began to appear about the subversive “Sandinistas,”depicting them as young idealists who, “with their bare hands, were fighting a horrible dictator named Somoza.”  Somoza says, “All of the leaders had been trained in Cuba, Czechoslovakia, the PLO, Libya, and Panama; and they were tough.  They knew tactics and their knowledge of weaponry was first rate.  ...  As a result of the Jesuit priests’ training and as a result of the favorable international news coverage, many young idealists did join the Sandinistas.  Their movement now began to gather some momentum.”

— In late 1977 the Sandinistas simultaneously attacked police stations, a battalion of Army Engineers, and staged an attack on the Honduran Frontier.  In these attacks, many people were killed on both sides, and some Sandinistas were captured and many escaped over the border into Costa Rica.

— From pages 84-86:

The tactics used by the Communist trained guerrillas should be examined, because the initial plan would be used over and over again.  In combatting these tactics, the government forces received undeserved criticism from the press.  At any rate, the Communist-trained leaders would make plans to attack an area, such as Massaya.  They would move into that area and recruit whatever help they could get.  Often times their momentary military assistance came from teenagers who weren’t even old enough to qualify for military service.  Some of these boys would be fourteen or fifteen years of age.  The Communist trained leaders would remain in the fight until it became apparent that the government forces would win, and then they would escape while there was still an escape route.  The local youths who had joined in the fight would remain and continue to fire their weapons.

If you happened to be a young captain in the Guardia Nacional, what would you do?  To be sure, you would not walk out into the open, admonish the boys, and tell them to stop that nonsense.  Some of my men tried that approach and they are dead.  Sadly, you had to fight them.  Through death-learning experiences, those who fought in Indochina learned that an eleven year old boy, or an innocent-looking little old lady, can render you dead just the same as can a thirty-year-old combat veteran.  In this manner, several young boys where killed.  Of course, they killed some of our men.  This always happened.  But the news stories and the photographs which went out all over the world centered on the young boys who had lost their lives fighting Somoza.

I didn’t appreciate the kind of warfare being conducted by the Communist-trained leaders, and neither did the government forces.  We were forced to fight on their terms and we did.  ...


— As fighting continued, Somoza’s government gained continual insight into the makeup of the forces they were battling.  He explains an example where they captured a wounded son of wealthy Nicaraguan cattle rancher, and in another case they captured the employees of a sugar mill who attacked a police station and killed some of the enlisted men.  “We knew the Sandinistas were Communists, but it surprised us to learn they had successfully convinced sons of solid conservative families actually to join them in battle.  We knew the leftist Jesuit Priests had done a good job of indoctrination, but we didn’t fully realize just how effective that indoctrination had been.”



A Summarized History of “Sandinista” Movements


— The name “Sandinista” is derived from a revolutionary in Nicaragua named General Augusto Cesar Sandino, who attended school with Somoza’s father in Jinotepe, Nicaragua, and worked at a gold mine as a warehouseman for his first serious job.

— When a President Juan Bautista Sacasa of the Liberal Party was elected in 1928, he was violently opposed by the Conservative party that was backed by the U.S. Marines, and thus a revolution ensued with Sandino fighting on the side of the Liberal Party.  Both sides than agreed with the consultation of the U.S. to a “free, direct, one-man, one-vote popular election, with the provision that the elections be controlled by the U.S. government,” however Sandino disagreed with the agreement that the leaders of his side made, and he then made his famous statement, “To hell with it.  I’m going out into the Bush to fight the U.S. Marines”— which then made him a hero of all those who opposed American interventionism.

— Somoza explains that the leaders of the Liberal party who made the agreement did not want to fight the United States, and it was apparent that the U.S. was being fair to both the Liberal and Conservative party under the circumstances.  Thus, the U.S. disarmed the Liberal party, nobody was put into jail, everyone was given some money, and they were sent home.  Then preparation was made for the upcoming election that would be controlled by the U.S. government.

— At the time, Sandino had the support of the people of Nicaragua, because the presence of the U.S. troops was an irritant, and Sandino capitalized on that irritation.  However, Sandino’s popularity didn’t last long because he began to follow a course of non-discrimination— meaning he did not discriminate between the U.S. Marines and the people of Nicaragua, and he robbed, stole, murdered, raped, and burned.  He had a law of his own called “Sandino’s law.”  Thus he then became very unpopular.

— In the U.S. supervised election of 1929, the Liberal party won the Presidency, and it won again in 1933.  The U.S. Marines pulled out of Nicaragua in 1933, with many of them liking the country and deciding to move there.

— When the Marines left Nicaragua in 1933, Sandino continued fighting but was now fighting the people of Nicaragua and he became identified as a bandit rather than a hero.  Sandino refused to accept the results of the elections, and said that Nicaragua should be divided into two parts with him getting one of the parts, and he embarked on vile criminal acts against the people of Nicaragua.  Eventually Sandino was captured by the Guardia National and was shot, and his movement died along with him.  His followers were given amnesty and disbanded, and they went on to live peaceful lives with no charges brought against them.  Somoza laments: “This is quite contrary to what the present Marxist government has done to the loyal members of the Guardia National and members of my government.  They are all in prison waiting to be tried by ‘Kangaroo courts.’”

— For many years, nothing was heard of the name “Sandino” until the illegitimate son of an Administrator of one of the Somoza sugar plantations named Carlos Fonseca Amador started a movement stealing Sandino’s name, but with the ideals of the movement being Communist, following the pattern established by Castro in Cuba.  In 1971, he sent a message to the Communist Party Congress in Moscow, to let the Communist party know of his loyalty and devotion, claiming the Sandinistas as being “the successor to the Bolshevik Revolution,” with “the ideals of Lenin being a guiding star in the struggle which the Revolutionaries in Nicaragua are waging.”  He began robbing small stores, business establishments, and he then eventually started robbing banks.  Somoza explains that due to the fact that Amador’s father worked for the Somozas, he saved his life on four different occasions, but finally couldn’t save his life the fifth time and Amador was killed in an encounter with the Gaurdia Nacional in the Bush, which left the FSLN Sandinistas with no leader.



The reality of inaccurate media claims that the U.S. Marines “put Somoza’s father in office”

— Concerning this time period, the modern international news media has kept alive a gross inaccuracy that the U.S. Marines “put Somoza’s father in office,” but the reality is as follows:

_ ... Somoza’s father attended the Pierce School of Business in Philadelphia, PA, and he became a mercantile accountant.  He was the second cousin of Moncada, the leader of the revolution that Sandino decided to continue fighting from, and he also married the niece of the President of the Liberal party who won the elections after the agreement was reached with the United States.  When it was time for the Marines to depart in 1933, three candidates were being considered for the position of the Commander of the Nicaragua Guardia National, and Somoza was chosen most likely because he was married to the Niece of President Sacasa, but he was also qualified and had good relations with the opposition parties due to his father (Anastasio’s grandfather) having been a Senator of the Republic with his family tied to the Conservative party.  President Sacasa nominated General Somoza and this nomination met with the approval of Moncada who was the cousin of Somoza.  To ensure fairness to both parties, fifty percent of the officers in Guardia Nacional were from one political party, and fifty percent from the other.



The Role of Militant Jesuit Priests in the Subversion of Nicaragua


— Leftist priests moved in to fill the void created by Amador’s death, and continued his work but at a much higher economic level.  “In Jesuit schools, the seeds of discontent and, basically, the seeds of Communism, were sown.  Their doctrine was spread to the children from affluent families, and with many the doctrine was accepted.  You had young men like the Carrion Cruz boys, and the Langs Sacasa for example.  They became avowed Communists and they had received their training from the Jesuit priests.”

— From page 91:

Perhaps the foregoing again illustrates the liberty which existed in Nicaragua.  Not a single school in which the Jesuits were teaching their Communistic philosophy was ever closed.  It is my belief that Nicaragua was pinpointed in Latin America as the key government to destroy, and that the Jesuit priests figured prominently in the planning.

One might ask why, of all the countries in Central America, was Nicaragua pinpointed as the country to be taken?  The answer is that we had a successful government.  Our country was financially sound.  Nicaragua has progress and the future looked bright for all our people.  Also, we had a successful political system based upon a constitutional form of government.  More importantly, the people of Nicaragua were, and still are, anti-Communist.  They believed in individual liberty and they were proud of their country.  Moreover, Nicaragua had earned the respect of her neighbors.  Their belief, and it was a sound concept, was that if Nicaragua could be taken by the Left, then the remaining countries in Central America could not stand the pressure.  And one by one, they would also succumb to the Leftist onslaught.


— With the death of Carlos Fonseca Amador, there was not one single leader of the Sandinistas, and soon the Sandinistas would have three distinct factions.  These were the Communists, the Christian Sandinistas, and the Terciary group.  Castro had three hundred men trained to be leaders in the movement, and they were the ones who took control of it, with many going to the Soviet Union and Palestine to be trained.  Some of the Sandinistas had been active in the PLO in Israel in the years previously.  Somoza explains that Sandinistas represent the movement of the people in Latin America that is against the U.S., and some are not Communists.

— Somoza explains that it is important to him to document genuine evidence about the involvement of priests in the situation so as not to be accused of being somehow biased.  He mentions a February 8, 1980 issue of the New York Times where an article by the Times writer Alan Riding wrote an article with the headline NEW NICARAGUA REGIME RECOGNIZES CHURCH’S POTENT ROLE.  Somoza explains, “From my viewpoint, this is a fascinating article because it backs up my every contention in reference to the Jesuit Priests.  First, Riding recognizes there are political factions amongst the Priests — the apolitical and the political.  In reference to the political segment, Mr. Riding had to say:”

In Nicaragua, this change was first apparent among priests, often Jesuits, teaching in private Catholic schools: by the mid-1970’s, many of their former students, children of wealthy families, had joined the guerrillas.  And as the fight against President Anastasio Somoza Debayle intensified, several priests joined the Sandinistas, while others helped organize slum neighborhoods in preparation for last year’s successful insurrection.

But at the level of the priests, the church was participating fully in the revolution.  The Rev. Miguel d’Escoto was named Foreign Minister, the Rev. Ernesto Cardinal became Minister of Culture, the Rev. Fernando Cardenal was placed in charge of the literacy crusade and the Rev. Xavier Gorostiaga was given a key role in the Ministry of Planning.  Many parish priests, who had collaborated with the rebels, began organizing their community for the reconstruction effort.


Somoza closes the chapter with the following text describing the newspaper excerpt:

How could it be stated more clearly, and how could I ask for a more clearly defined position of the Jesuit priests?  It’s all there.  It should be made clear, however, that, at the priest level, the Communists have successfully infiltrated Catholic orders other than the Jesuits.

My sympathy goes out to the people of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras.  The Jesuit priests, in collaboration with the Cuban-trained guerrillas, are following the same course in those countries that they followed in Nicaragua.  If they are able to pursue effectively their preconceived plan of action, then those countries, too, will fall.

The plague of the Sandinistas and the ghost of Augusto Cesar Sandino have already fallen upon those other Central American Republics.  It’s one down and four to go in Central America but, in reality, it’s one down and nineteen to go in Latin America.


[Note: Such activity by the Catholic church is a result of infiltration by the Illuminati that has an agenda of undermining the Church as well as using it as a tool for spreading Communism.  See the article A Summary of the Secret Society the “Illuminati,” Drawn from the Works of Henry Makow.]



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